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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 4
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- The neoliberal policies encapsulated in the 1980s-era Washington Consensus can be seen, especially in retrospect, to have greatly exacerbated economic insecurity, whether or not that was the intent. The State was assumed to be intrinsically inefficient and corruption-prone, and this led to constant pressure to shrink all those parts of it that provided social and basic economic services to the populace, while vindicating and reinforcing the State in its role as the regulator facilitating and legitimizing the privatization of the economy. Social security and social protection was transformed, including through the explicit policies of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, into a minimalist notion of “social safety nets” designed to avoid the very worst outcomes and make the State look beneficent while empowering officials dedicated to devising ever more efficient “targeting” mechanisms and to rooting out overinclusion while playing down underinclusion. The objectives of promoting tax reform and prudent fiscal policies turned into a race to the bottom to set the lowest individual and corporate tax rates, attracting businesses through expensive exemptions, turning a blind eye to illegal or unconscionably evasive tax practices, and eliminating estate taxes and other measures that would bring about even minimal redistribution. Privatization was promoted even in relation to what were once seen as basic State functions, such as prisons, education and security. In some States, even the justice system has been partly privatized, whether through onerous court fees for the poor or the channelling of consumer and other complaints into private arbitration.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
- Temas
- Economic Rights
- Governance & Rule of Law
- Social & Cultural Rights
- Personas afectadas
- All
- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
Párrafo
Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 25
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- Some authors on the left of the political spectrum have been enthusiastic supporters of basic income. Guy Standing, a labour economist, has popularized the notion of a “precariat”, a very large segment of the population, whose lives are “dominated by insecurity, uncertainty, debt and humiliation. They are becoming denizens rather than citizens, losing cultural, civil, social, political and economic rights built up over generations”. He argues that in an ever more unequal society, the precariat’s relative deprivation is severe. According to Standing, a basic income would allow people to move in and out of the labour market more easily and would “enable citizens to accept low wages and to bargain more strongly”. Standing has also been involved in important pilot projects in India.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
- Año
- 2017
Párrafo
Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 5
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- For its part, the human rights community has had all too little to offer in response to the profound challenges associated with deep economic insecurity. The human rights to an adequate standard of living, to work and to social security have been very low on the list of priorities of the major human rights groups and of the principal international and regional human rights organizations, with the exception of the International Labour Organization (ILO). The reasons for this include long-standing arguments that economic issues belong on the agenda of economic rather than human rights bodies, a perception that human rights specialists are not qualified to engage with issues that are presented as technical matters of economic policy, a preference to avoid addressing issues involving redistribution of income or expenditure from a human rights perspective, and the assumption that if civil and political rights are protected, respect for economic and social rights will automatically follow.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
- Temas
- Governance & Rule of Law
- Personas afectadas
- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 17
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- Proposals for a form of basic income have been floated by thinkers for centuries. Proponents of the idea trace its historical origins back to Sir Thomas More’s Utopia (1516), Johannes Vives’s On Assistance to the Poor (1526), and the works of the Marquis de Condorcet, Charles Fourier, Victor Considerant, John Stuart Mill, Bertrand Russell, George Cole, Herbert Simon, and various other political scientists, economists, and public intellectuals. Perhaps the most detailed and specific early set of plans for basic income and related social protection arrangements was put forward by Thomas Paine, a key figure in both the French and American revolutions, in The Rights of Man (1792) and Agrarian Justice (1797).
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
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- Economic Rights
- Governance & Rule of Law
- Personas afectadas
- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 26
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- Philosophers on the left, such as Kathi Weeks, have defended basic income from an autonomist Marxist perspective, arguing that it “attempts to address … the realities of post-Fordist work, to offer a measure of security in an economy of precariousness”. The philosopher Michael Howard supports basic income, claiming that it is not incompatible with Marxism or socialism and should be combined with strategies for full employment. But others on the left have been critical. Alex Gourevitch argues that basic income is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for eliminating authoritarian work conditions, which he sees as the biggest challenge.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
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- Governance & Rule of Law
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- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 41
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- Another famous example is the Bolsa Família in Brazil — Latin America’s largest conditional cash transfer programme — which was introduced in 2004, building on earlier, smaller, cash transfer programmes. Indigent and poor families wanting to receive the cash benefit are required to visit health clinics regularly and/or to meet minimum school attendance requirements. Brazil also has unconditional cash transfer programmes, such as the Benefício de Prestação Continuada, which is disbursed to the elderly and to individuals with disabilities living in low-income households. The Bolsa Família was enacted the day after another law that established a citizen’s income for every Brazilian citizen or foreigner residing in the country for more than five years, regardless of their socioeconomic condition. But the latter law was never implemented and is often confused by the public with other existing minimum income programmes.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
- Temas
- Economic Rights
- Health
- Personas afectadas
- Families
- Persons on the move
- Año
- 2017
Párrafo
Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 58
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- Van Parijs and Vanderborght admit that a universal basic income at 25 per cent of GDP per capita would result in “far higher rates of taxation because of the need to keep funding other public expenditures”. They then proceed to point to some (relatively small-scale) basic income experiments, negative income tax experiments and econometric models, none of which provides a clear answer on affordability. After discussing alternative financing models, such as taxes on capital, nature, money and consumption, they conclude that “none of these alternative sources offers a panacea, or any robust assurance that a generous basic income is economically sustainable, or any reason to believe that, in the short run at any rate, we can dispense with the income tax”. That leads them to explore alternatives to their core idea of a universal basic income — including a categorical basic income, a household basic income and tax surcharge, and their preferred alternative, a partial basic income: “one that makes no claim to being sufficient to live on if one lives alone”.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
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- Governance & Rule of Law
- Personas afectadas
- N.A.
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- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 66b
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- [One of the biggest challenges in relation to basic income is to move beyond its chameleon-like character. There are many versions of it, and each is supported by a diverse array of actors, precisely because they see different attractions in the concept. To assess the utility and acceptability of basic income from a human rights perspective, it is helpful to identify the main categories of motivation.] Efficiency, in terms of avoiding welfare fraud, duplicative programmes, double-dipping, and bloated bureaucracies. As one commentator rejoiced: “we get to fire a couple of million bureaucrats”;
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
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- Governance & Rule of Law
- Personas afectadas
- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 55
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- The Economist, relying upon the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development’s “universal basic income calculator”, concludes that the United States could pay every citizen $6,300 per year if it scrapped all its non-health transfer payments. In other words, if it paid its citizens 25 per cent of GDP per capita ($13,956 per year) as Van Parijs and Vanderborght propose, it would need to raise taxes to cover the difference between $13,956 and $6,300. The Cato Institute calculated that paying 296 million United States citizens the poverty-line amount of $12,316 per year would cost $4.4 trillion. Even if all federal and state social assistance spending for the poor (around $1 trillion) and all “middle-class social welfare programmes such as Social Security and Medicare” (depending on the calculations, costing between $2.13 and $2.5 trillion) were eliminated, there would still be a funding gap of roughly $1 trillion.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
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- Health
- Poverty
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- N.A.
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- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 62
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- The most prominent path chosen to date has focused on respect for labour rights. But significant questions arise as to whether the tools used to tackle economic insecurity in that context have been, or are likely to be, effective in responding to the emerging conditions in the global labour market. For example, in its general comment No. 18 (2005) on the right to work, the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights calls on States “to reduce to the fullest extent possible the number of workers outside the formal economy”, “to ensure that privatization measures do not undermine workers’ rights”, and to ensure that enhanced labour market flexibility does “not render work less stable or reduce the social protection of the worker”. All of these important objectives are grounded in human rights law, but the question is how best to respond to the reality that the trends in most industries seem to be heading rapidly in the opposite direction.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
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- Special Procedures' report
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- Governance & Rule of Law
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- All
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- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 74
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- Sixth, and most important, the debates over social protection floors and basic income need to be brought together. They have thus far been kept largely separate, in a counterproductive and ultimately self-defeating way. It is true that there are points of divergence between the two concepts, but they have vastly more potential if their synergies are recognized, rather than being ignored. Among the differences are the following: (a) the social protection floor mostly draws on experience in developing countries, while basic income advocates tend to emphasize developed countries; (b) social protection floors aim to guarantee both income security and access to essential social services, while basic income schemes only guarantee income; (c) the concept of basic income security is broader than basic income cash transfers, since it also includes in-kind transfers; (d) social protection floors focus not only on achieving social guarantees for all, but also on gradually implementing higher standards; (e) social protection floors are not viewed as alternatives to social insurance institutions, while some basic income proponents aim to replace existing social insurance institutions; and (f) the Social Protection Floors Recommendation, 2012 (No. 202) is premised upon human rights, unlike most basic income schemes. But the proponents of the two approaches have an immense amount in common, and if it is recognized that basic income is not an idea that can be achieved in a single leap, there could be no better and more elaborate and widely supported programme than that for the social protection floor.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
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- Economic Rights
- Governance & Rule of Law
- Social & Cultural Rights
- Personas afectadas
- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 48
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- A basic income could have vastly different effects, depending on the starting point. In wealthier countries with more established social welfare systems, there is a greater risk that replacing existing social support schemes would leave the poor worse off. But in a country with only a minimal social support scheme in place, any regular, unconditional transfers to the poor and marginalized would be a net positive in the absence of more attractive alternative schemes such as a social protection floor. Despite the importance of the current debate in India and the pilot projects in Kenya, most of the policy debate has focused on developed countries and their specific needs and perspectives. If the concept is to achieve broader uptake, the debate needs to be expanded and diversified.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
- Temas
- Poverty
- Personas afectadas
- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 38
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- However, many social insurance and social assistance programmes that are integral parts of the welfare state differ in crucial respects from basic income. A study of 108 countries where child benefit or family benefit schemes were anchored in national legislation found that only 49 of them had non-contributory schemes. And contributory schemes generally only cover those in formal employment. They are therefore not universal, and often impose conditions, such as actively searching for work or undergoing medical tests. Moreover, they often go well beyond a floor, by compensating in part or in full for lost earnings.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
- Personas afectadas
- Children
- Families
- Año
- 2017
Párrafo
Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 44
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- While Van Parijs and Vanderborght claim that such programmes are “still a long way from an unconditional basic income”, others have argued that experience with these cash transfer schemes “gives empirical support to arguments in favour of a universal unconditional basic income”, and that they offer guidance for the optimal design of basic income schemes in high-income countries. Still, whether these existing cash transfer programmes are a stepping stone to full basic income schemes remains uncertain. Lavinas has argued that the Bolsa Família is the “antithesis” of a citizen’s income and “cannot be seen as a starting point toward a universal and unconditional income”.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
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- Special Procedures' report
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- Governance & Rule of Law
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- N.A.
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- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 16
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- The universality dimension is often assumed to apply only to citizens or those with a minimum period of legal residence in the country, although some schemes require only fiscal residence. These limits raise important questions in terms of migrant workers, undocumented workers and asylum seekers.
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- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
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- Special Procedures' report
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- Governance & Rule of Law
- Movement
- Personas afectadas
- Persons on the move
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- 2017
Párrafo
Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 13
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- Whereas many aspects of existing social protection systems flow to the household, basic income would go directly to each individual. Some proposals do, however, diverge from this principle and envisage reduced payments which take account of the overall family or household situation.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
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- Special Procedures' report
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- Social & Cultural Rights
- Personas afectadas
- Families
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 65
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- This is where the basic income debate comes in. A focus on social protection more broadly defined might be a more propitious entry point to tackle these issues. Governments remain centrally responsible for ensuring appropriate levels of social protection within their borders, they have a self-interest in promoting stability and economic security, and they control the resources needed.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
- Temas
- Social & Cultural Rights
- Personas afectadas
- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 14
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- The absence of conditionality is a key dimension for most basic income proponents. This means that no conditions, such as children’s attendance at school or proof of job searches, must be met before the income is paid. People are thus not compelled to accept unpleasant or unattractive jobs. The latter would be filled either by machines, or by people attracted by a higher pay level.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
- Personas afectadas
- Children
- Año
- 2017
Párrafo
Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 32
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- Negative income taxes, inspired by the work of Milton Friedman, ensure that individuals who earn below a certain threshold receive payments from the government, rather than having to pay taxes. It is similar to basic income in that every citizen is automatically and unconditionally eligible, but it differs from the full basic income in that benefits phase out as incomes rise. Amounts may also be adjusted for households.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
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- Special Procedures' report
- Personas afectadas
- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 11
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- Under a basic income system, regular payments would be made to recipients, for example on a monthly basis. Predictability and continuity ensure that redistributive and poverty-reducing goals are met, whereas one-time only payments or lump sums do not ensure a consistent floor.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
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- Economic Rights
- Governance & Rule of Law
- Poverty
- Personas afectadas
- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 1
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- The present report is submitted in accordance with Human Rights Council resolution 26/3 and is the third report submitted to the Council by Philip Alston in his capacity as Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights.
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- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
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- Special Procedures' report
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- Governance & Rule of Law
- Poverty
- Personas afectadas
- N.A.
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- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 54
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- But how would these expenditures be paid for? Piachaud notes that a full basic income that “replaces social security is far more costly than social security, and this has to be paid for from higher taxes on all incomes with far-reaching economic consequences”.
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- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
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- Special Procedures' report
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- Social & Cultural Rights
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- N.A.
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- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 42
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- Many African countries have unconditional cash transfers in the form of “social pensions” provided to all citizens above a certain age, without prior conditions. A newer phenomenon is the introduction of universal unconditional cash transfers in the context of subsidy reform. In 2010, the Islamic Republic of Iran introduced a “cash subsidy” of around $45 per month payable to all Iranians living in the country, to compensate for subsidy reductions on gasoline, gas, water and electricity. Similarly, Saudi Arabia is currently introducing a “household allowance” — a cash transfer to the poor and the middle classes (decreasing with income) to compensate for planned subsidy reforms.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
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- Special Procedures' report
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- Governance & Rule of Law
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- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 9
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- In its comprehensive and ideal form, a basic income is explicitly designed to challenge most of the key assumptions underpinning existing social security systems. Rather than a system where there are partial payments, basic income guarantees a floor; instead of being episodic, payments are regular; rather than being needs-based, they are paid as a flat rate to all; they come in cash, rather than as messy in-kind support; they accrue to every individual, rather than only to needy households; rather than requiring that various conditions be met, they are unconditional; rather than excluding the well off, they are universal; and instead of being based on lifetime contributions, they are funded primarily from taxation. And simplicity of design promises minimal bureaucracy and low administrative costs.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
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- Special Procedures' report
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- Governance & Rule of Law
- Personas afectadas
- All
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 22
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- While Van Parijs and Vanderborght write in the liberal-egalitarian tradition, basic income also has strong support from libertarians. Matt Zwolinski argues that in order to justify the system of property rights, it is necessary, as John Locke wrote, to leave “enough, and as good, in common for others”. Thus, a State-financed social safety net might be necessary. For that purpose, a basic income scheme would be preferable to the welfare state because the latter incentivizes wasteful competition among interest groups and is costly and invasive. He avoids addressing questions of the design and implementation of a basic income system but is supportive of the approach developed by another libertarian, Charles Murray.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
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- Governance & Rule of Law
- Personas afectadas
- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 31a
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- [While the present report has thus far addressed a more or less generic approach to basic income, the reality is that there are a great many variations on the theme and that trying to distinguish them from one another, and then from other social protection schemes, is a major challenge. Following the analysis of David Piachaud, it is helpful to divide the various proposals into four different types:] A bonus basic income is akin to a royalty scheme in which resource-based dividends are distributed directly to citizens annually. Funding comes directly from an external source, such as mineral royalties. Thus, the Alaska Permanent Fund annually distributes dividends from investment earning on mineral royalties to people who have lived in Alaska for at least a year and intend to remain there indefinitely. Some commentators consider this to be a poor example of basic income, because it is predistributive as opposed to redistributive, and involves a small sum and a fluctuating level of payment.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
- Temas
- Governance & Rule of Law
- Personas afectadas
- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 34
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- All developed societies have welfare states in one or other of the three principal forms. First, welfare for the poor in the form of non-contributory means-tested programmes. Second, social insurance, social rights and social services, which include a wide array of institutions from contributory pension and unemployment schemes to public education and health insurance. Third, and the least familiar, is the role of the government in the economy, through regulatory, fiscal, monetary and labour-market policies and “in shaping markets, promoting growth, providing employment, and ensuring the welfare of firms and families”. While some see these three conceptions as competing, David Garland argues that none “of these three sectors can exist in that form without the others as structural supports”.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
- Temas
- Governance & Rule of Law
- Poverty
- Personas afectadas
- Families
- Año
- 2017
Párrafo
Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 66e
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- [One of the biggest challenges in relation to basic income is to move beyond its chameleon-like character. There are many versions of it, and each is supported by a diverse array of actors, precisely because they see different attractions in the concept. To assess the utility and acceptability of basic income from a human rights perspective, it is helpful to identify the main categories of motivation.] Freedom, in the sense of the ability to make career and related choices, or the ability to exercise political rights because of a degree of economic security;
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
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- Special Procedures' report
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- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 8e
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- [The present report is premised on the view that the human rights movement needs to address and respond to the fundamental changes that are taking place in economic and social structures at the national and global levels. These include, among others:] The ascent of a new neoliberal agenda, which involves further fetishization of low tax rates, demonization of the administrative State, deregulation as a matter of principle, and the privatization of remaining State responsibilities in the social sector, risks leaving the State in no position to protect or promote social rights meaningfully.
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
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- Special Procedures' report
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- Economic Rights
- Governance & Rule of Law
- Social & Cultural Rights
- Personas afectadas
- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
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Extreme poverty and human rights on universal basic income 2017, para. 66d
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- [One of the biggest challenges in relation to basic income is to move beyond its chameleon-like character. There are many versions of it, and each is supported by a diverse array of actors, precisely because they see different attractions in the concept. To assess the utility and acceptability of basic income from a human rights perspective, it is helpful to identify the main categories of motivation.] The right to work, either in the sense of promoting full employment for the community or of the individual being able to choose satisfying work;
- Organismo
- Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights
- Tipo de documento
- Special Procedures' report
- Temas
- Equality & Inclusion
- Personas afectadas
- N.A.
- Año
- 2017
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