A/HRC/23/50 public and political life; in such cases, the boundaries of women’s rights are defined unilaterally by decision-makers of patriarchal social orders. 52. The democratic deficit also expresses itself in the lack of capacity by States to address perpetual insecurity in all its different dimensions, including militarism and the culture of violence, especially, but not only, in situations of conflict and transition, in which women are primary victims. D. Eliminating structural and societal discrimination against women in political and public life 53. Guarantees of women’s rights to education, decent employment and access to economic resources are preconditions for women’s equal and effective participation in political and public life. A coherent set of gender-responsive social and economic policies is necessary to overcome the multifaceted structural barriers that women face. 54. Poverty and social exclusion, including women’s high levels of illiteracy and poor health, lock women into a persistent state of dependence and deprivation and often make long-term participation in political and public life an unviable option. Programmes addressing poverty and social exclusion and containing strong empowerment components for marginalized women, including those who face multiple discrimination, enhance the opportunity and capacity for these particular women to participate meaningfully in political and public life. 55. Political will of States is the key element to ensure gender equality outcomes, combined with persistent support, pressure and scrutiny by women’s movements, whose autonomy should be protected by the State 56. While women are situated in different locations, each with distinct vulnerabilities and assets, their participation in political and public life is commonly constrained by structural and societal discrimination in the family, in caregiving responsibilities, in violence against women, and marginalization by political parties and other non-State public institutions. The obligation of States to remove these barriers is clearly mandated in article 2 (f) of the Convention and has been repeatedly advocated by the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. 1. Discriminatory family status 57. The institution of family is one of the foundations of whole political systems, and family law is core to women’s citizenship and public life. Women’s right to equality in the family shapes opportunities and constraints for women’s agency and autonomy and also regulates access to land, income, education and health, including reproductive health, thereby determining a woman’s capacity to fully engage in all aspects of life.28 The right of women to equality in the family was established in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and elaborated in articles 2 and 16 of the Convention. 58. Patriarchal and discriminatory family law or practice may limit women’s freedom of occupation and freedom of movement in the public space. In some countries, men are still regarded by law as the head of household, barring women from representing their families in official decision-making processes on public affairs, including on development projects 28 Mala Htun and Laurel Weldon, “Religion, the State, and women’s rights: comparative analysis of sex equality in family law”, University of New Mexico and Purdue University, May 2012, pp. 2-7. 13